Why Tim Needs to Stay as Leader After the Election

It’s fair to say that the Lib Dems haven’t had the best election campaign. And it hasn’t been helped by continual briefing from unnamed “Senior Lib Dem Figures” (whose names any Lib Dem could tell you) that any failure on the party’s part is because of its leader. Since the day the election was called there’s been briefing that Tim is the reason we’re not going to do well.

(I really must, one day, write that blog post I keep meaning to do about the parallels between Tim and Corbyn. They’re *far* more similar political figures than most people in either the Lib Dems or Labour seem to think…)

Now, I still expect us to hold up (or slightly increase) in vote share and slightly increase in our seats, but I’m no psephologist and can’t be sure of anything. But what I *am* sure of is that our failure to make up as much ground as we’d hoped isn’t a failure of strategy, but one of timing.

Quite simply, the strategy the party have taken for the last year is a good one — remember we have made by-election gains for the first time in a decade, and we’ve increased the party’s membership to the highest it’s ever been. The problem is, it was a strategy *for an election in three years’ time*, not for one this week.

Making Brexit the principal policy we’re standing on would have been great if we’d gone into the election just after the close of negotiations, as everyone assumed was happening until mid-April. Then, when there’s a deal that’s been struck that isn’t what anyone at all voted for, the Remain/Return vote would be a strong one, and would feel as betrayed by Corbyn’s Labour as by the Tories.

But right now, before Brexit has *actually* raised the price of food forty percent, destroyed the NHS, and taken away workers’ rights — and make no mistake, it will do those things — most people aren’t yet angry enough about it, even if they voted against it, for it to be the deciding factor in their votes.

But (and it’s a big “but”), while it’s not a strategy that will win us many seats (though it’s likely to win us a few) this time, it’s a strategy that would have worked enormously well in 2020. I suspect if we keep on course it *will* do us well in 2022.

But more importantly, even if we gain in neither vote share or seat numbers, Tim’s strategy (and of course it’s not *just* Tim but the whole leadership team) has been one that makes it possible for us to make gains in the future.

I honestly thought in 2015 that the party was dead. We were *hated* back then. I got abuse screamed at me at polling stations. I had death threats from Labour supporters online. The Guardian did a thing just before the last election where they paired politicians of different parties, and Caroline Lucas said of Vince Cable, giving him marks out of ten “Can I separate the man from the politics? For the man, I give him 9. For his politics, I give him 2.”

That’s where we were in 2015. This year, Caroline Lucas was pushing for an electoral pact with us, and asked Greens to stand down in several of our target seats, including Vince’s.

That’s what two years of Tim’s detoxification strategy has done for us. We’re now almost back to where we were in people’s affections in the early 90s — people liking us, and saying they would vote for us if they thought we had a chance, but being squeezed by the big two parties.

This election is a difficult one for us in many ways — not least because last election was the first one *ever* where we came third in neither vote share nor seats. That means that it’s been that much harder getting air time this election. The “return to two-party politics” we’re seeing actually helps us next time, I think, because unless the polls are *staggeringly* wrong we’ll be third in vote share UK-wide, and third in seats in England and Wales. But retaking our old seats will be a multi-election, multi-decade project, and anyone who thought otherwise was deluding themselves.

But most important in that is building a core vote, and that’s what Tim’s strategy has started doing for us. Our vote share is dropping in some of our former strongholds because they disagree with our Brexit stance — but it’s rising in areas where they’re receptive to our message. If we’re *going* to be only polling at eight or nine percent, I’d rather that be eight or nine percent of people voting for us *because they agree with us enthusiastically* than eight or nine percent voting for us as a “none of the above” protest vote or because they like a particular local hard worker.

We have the membership now. They’re more active, engaged, and *liberal* than they’ve ever been, And what I don’t want to see this week is the blame for the poor result being put onto the man who’s done a tremendous amount to fix the broken mess of a party he inherited.

Yes, Tim’s not faultless — *THAT* interview was a disaster, and he should have had better answers prepared for a question we could all see was coming — but *all* party leaders have their complete cockups, and most of them as bad as that.

We need to do a *hell* of a lot of work to make this party electable again — work that will take a decade or more to do — but Tim has started the process of turning the oil tanker around. I have a lot of ideas about what we can do in the next Parliament, which I’ll start sharing once the results are in, but we have to be radical.

And unfortunately, I think that any possible anti-Tim contender for the leadership immediately after this election will not be radical, but will return to centrist messaging and watered-down focus-grouped-to-death policies. In which case the strange death of Liberal England will finally be complete.

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Destroyer: Chapter 3

Turing had never been in this office before, but it wasn’t as if any of the offices in Bletchley were radically different from each other anyway. While the main hall was pretty enough, in an ostentatious sort of way, the surrounding buildings were functional rather than beautiful.

The same could be said for the rather angular-looking man with the beaky nose in front of him, looking at him through eyes which seemed permanently half-closed. Nobody would ever call him beautiful, but at the same time there was an air of confidence from him, as if he knew exactly what his purpose in life was, and so could go through his existence with no further worry. He looked a little older than Turing, and a little taller, but those few years and inches seemed to have given him the confidence that Turing had always lacked. He was clearly in his element, and Turing envied him immensely.

“Mr. Turing?”

“Doctor Turing, actually.”

“I do beg your pardon, Doctor Turing. My name’s Ian Fleming.”

“We’ve met.”

“Have we? Oh, that’s right! I’ve seen you around Bletchley before. Do take a seat. Drink?”

“Not at this time of day, thank you. I like to keep a clear head for my work.”

“Suit yourself. Personally, I find having a clear head a dreadful handicap. You don’t mind if I do, though?”

“No, go ahead.”

Fleming got up and walked over to a small cabinet, from which he removed a bottle of whisky and a glass. He poured himself a small measure, tipped the bottle half-way back to vertical, then stopped, gazed thoughtfully at the bottle, and seemed to make a decision. He poured again, giving himself a large double, before replacing the bottle, closing the cabinet, and sitting back down. He took a sip, and paused for a second to savour the taste.

He seemed to compose his thoughts, and then asked almost casually, “Has the news about Hess permeated to the general public yet?”

“What news about Hess?”

“Ah, that’s what I thought. It’ll be all over the news in a few hours, I’m sure. Do you know who Rudolf Hess is?”

“Of course. Hitler’s second in command.”

“Well, technically. He’s been more or less pushed aside as the war’s gone on, in favour of Goering and Goebbels. Anyway, he’s in Britain right now.”

“You mean he’s defected? Good God!”

“Not defected, exactly. He’s come over in the hope of making peace. Apparently as a rogue agent.”

“Apparently?”

“Well, we know different. It was us who persuaded him to come over.”

Fleming paused to appreciate the look of shock on Turing’s face, and it took Turing a few moments to recover sufficiently to respond.

Eventually, however, he managed to ask the obvious next question. “How in the world did you do that?”

“Have you heard about The Link?”

“What link?”

“It’s a group of rich Nazis. Mostly from the Mitford set, those sort of people.”

“What sort of people are those? I’m sorry, I don’t know who the Mitford set are.”

Fleming gave a slight smirk, and hesitated a fraction of a second before replying.

“I do beg your pardon, Doctor Turing. One forgets sometimes that not everybody has society connections. You’re rather better off not knowing who the Mitfords are, so I shall refrain from explanation. Just think of rich idiots who have a superficial, dilettantish interest in political dogmas – an interest which, while tissue-thin, is still stronger than their commitment to the country.”

Turing nodded. “I think I know the sort.”

“Anyway, some of those people are supporters of the Nazis, and it has suited our interests to have them believe we are unaware of this, while we feed them information. Hess didn’t just decide to come here on a whim. We’ve been working on him for months, through various intermediaries. We’ve got him convinced that Britain wants peace with the Nazis on their terms. He thinks we’re desperate to install a puppet government and become Berlin’s slaves. Because we’ve told him that.”

“Surely – surely! – no-one could really be that gullible. This is the second most important man in Germany. He can’t have been taken in by a basic confidence trick, can he?”

“I think you’re severely underestimating the gullibility of the Nazis. They’re not known for their intelligence and discretion, you know.”

“Even so!”

Fleming smiled. “I know you boffins think the rest of us are a bunch of fools who don’t know anything – no, don’t deny it, I’ve heard enough of your conversations – but there are skills in the world other than mathematics and fiddling with vacuum tubes.”

Fleming walked over to a filing cabinet, unlocked it with a key taken from his inside jacket pocket, and pulled out a handful of papers. He flicked through them to make sure they were what he thought they were, extracted a couple of sheets, which he returned to the cabinet, and then handed the rest to Turing.

“Take a look at these. What do you think?”

The papers were covered with letters. They were handwritten, rather than typed, and clearly in a Germanic hand, but Turing recognised what he was looking at.

“It’s a ciphertext of some sort, yes?”

“It is. If anything, you see, our plan has worked rather too well. Hess brought these papers over to share with the members of the Link. Now we need to know what they say.”

“And it’s not the standard Enigma code?”

“I’m afraid not. And we can’t just turn this over to the girls in the huts. We need you to take personal responsibility for this. I, on the other hand, am going to take responsibility for Hess himself.”

“Do you have any clues at all as to what kind of code it is?”

“Not at the moment. But I believe I can probably persuade Hess to give us a clue. In the meantime, though, I’d like you to do what you can, and let me know what you think.”

Turing gathered the papers together, stood up, and left the room, forgetting even to nod to Fleming as he left. He was already planning his first line of investigation.


This is an excerpt from my novel, Destroyer. If you like this chapter, please buy the book. It can be bought in hardback from Lulu. The Kindle and paperback editions are available from Amazon (UK) and (US). For non-Kindle ebook versions This Books2Read Universal Link will give you links for your preferred ebook retailer. My Patreon backers also get free copies of all my books. If you like this one, please consider reviewing it on Amazon.

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Some Resources (And Thoughts) on Tactical Voting

Britain’s electoral system is broken, in a fundamental way. The vast majority of seats never change hands, and the government we’ve had for the last two years — a “majority Government” — was a party that was only voted for by 24.5% of eligible voters. And fewer than that voted for the Tory MPs who made up that government.

The Brexit referendum, cosying up to Trump, benefits cuts, attacks on immigrants, the return of secondary moderns… all of this is because of policies voted for by less than a quarter of eligible voters. Seventeen percent of the population.

That’s how broken our electoral system is. That’s how much damage a broken system can do.

I’d argue, in fact, that that much damage caused by such a bad system renders it a moral obligation to only support parties who would fix that system, and that therefore anyone who votes for any party other than the Lib Dems, Greens, SNP, or Plaid is voting for a continuation of that system and personally responsible for every bad thing that results from it.

I’d argue that, at least, if I were the kind of insufferable arse who harasses supporters of other parties on social media for daring to veer from the One True Way. As a Lib Dem, I’ve been getting a lot of this in recent weeks — from Brexiteers who call me an enemy of the people for not wanting the country to commit economic suicide to spite foreigners, and from Labour people who think I’m a bourgeois class traitor for not wanting to support a party which, in Manchester where I live, steals the sleeping bags and tents from homeless people. But I know enough utter pricks in my own party that I’m sure there are a lot of them doing the same kind of thing to supporters of other parties. Much as I wish it weren’t the case, being a terrible human being crosses party and ideological lines.

However, I at least — and I hope most of my readers, certainly most of my friends — understand that people’s basic principles and their voting patterns correlate only weakly, and are dependent on pragmatic considerations including local candidates, the national polling, local issues, personal knowledge, and half a dozen other things.

I’m as strong a Lib Dem as you can imagine — I’ve been a party member for eleven years, a candidate twice, and (other than in a local election once where we weren’t standing and I voted Green) I’ve voted Lib Dem at every election (General, council, European, mayoral, police commissioner…) since 1997. Yet I can easily imagine situations where, if I was in a different constituency, I’d be voting Green, Labour, or SNP. (I’m afraid I don’t know enough about Plaid to say there). In fact, we’ve got a great candidate in my area, but if the other candidate who stood for the selection (a complete useless arse who has since defected to George Galloway’s campaign in a sulk because he didn’t win) had got the candidacy I’d probably be voting Green.

But I’d still be a Lib Dem. People have to operate within a broken system, and our party identities sometimes have to take a back seat to minimising harm.

And right now, there’s a lot of harm to be minimised. There are two separate threats to the country at the moment, as I see it — you may, of course, disagree. One of these is Brexit, and in particular the “hard Brexit” being pursued by both major parties, where the country’s economic and social wellbeing is being sacrificed on the altar of hating immigrants. The other is the ongoing breakdown in the social contract, pursued most vigorously by the Tories, which amounts to an ongoing war against the poor, the disabled, and the otherwise marginalised.

(There’s a third issue as important as those two — the movement for independence in the nations of the UK. As that’s a matter for the people there, not for me, I’ve not looked into that deeply enough to have an informed opinion).

Now, from where I’m sat, the solution to both those problems — and to the problems with the electoral system — is the same. Vote Lib Dem. Our policies in these areas are far from perfect, but we’re the most internationalist, pro-Europe, party, and we’re also the one that wants to put most money into benefits, health, and social care.

(That may surprise some people, but it’s an example of the way political rhetoric and positioning doesn’t match reality. Labour under Corbyn is portrayed, by both their friends and their enemies, as being some sort of neo-Marxist sect somewhere to the left of Gramsci, but their manifesto is a relatively moderate social democratic one. The Lib Dems, on the other hand, are uniformly portrayed as wishy-washy centrists, but our manifesto is slightly — very slightly — to the left of Labour’s on these issues.)

The problem is that a lot of people who agree with me on these issues will be splitting their votes among Lib Dems, Greens, Labour, the SNP, and probably half a dozen tiny parties I’ve never even heard of, when a tiny number of people voting tactically could help prevent a lot of the damage. There’s going to be a Tory majority — there’s no doubt about that, unfortunately, because the UKIP-supporting right has moved to support them en masse — but it’s still possible for us to reduce that majority and reduce the damage as much as possible, and to get good MPs into position to take away that majority altogether at the earliest opportunity.

And that can be done. 2015’s Tory majority came about purely because Labour and Lib Dem supporters stopped voting tactically to beat the Tories — we voted for a clean conscience rather than the best-placed anti-Tory candidate, and the result was a Tory majority. This time, though, twice as many people say they’re willing to vote tactically as in 2015.

So I’m going to suggest three different resources you can use to vote tactically and maximise the power of your vote. Don’t follow them unthinkingly. All have biases, all will produce different results. See what they have to say and if it makes sense to you.

The first resource is the one I, personally, would find least useful. Tactical2017.com is a specifically anti-Tory tactical voting site, so it recommends voting Labour in a lot of Lib/Lab seats (though not all — there are a few where it prefers the Lib Dem candidate) and in Labour safe seats. Personally, I would advocate voting your conscience in a safe seat or in any seat the Tories can’t win, but that’s me. So if you’re a strong Labour supporter but would consider voting tactically where Labour have no chance, this is probably the best site for you.

The other resource is one I personally prefer, but it doesn’t cover Scotland as the unionist/nationalist split there is orthogonal to the other ones (for similar reasons neither site covers Northern Ireland, where none of the mainland parties stand). InFacts is a pro-European site, which sets out its rules very clearly, and I mostly agree with them — back all sitting Lib Dem or Green MPs, back Lib Dems and Greens where they *can* win (except against Labour MPs who voted against Article 50, where they’re neutral), back Plaid where they can beat Labour or Tory, back Labour where they can beat the Tories and Lib Dems and Greens can’t win, and in safe seats vote your conscience for either Lib Dem or Green. I do have one minor disagreement with them — they recommend the Tories in sixteen seats, and I don’t think any Tories are worth voting for on pro-Europe grounds — but their end results are close to what I’d suggest. They say that for the 573 seats in England and Wales their guide recommends “Labour in 174 seats, the Lib Dems in 109, the Conservatives in 16, Plaid in 4 and the Greens in 3. In the remaining cases, the guide is neutral – almost always between the Greens and the Lib Dems.”

And finally, a reality check for your tactical vote. Both the sites above base their recommendations on past voting behaviour, but people and seats *can* change. YouGov are updating, daily, their constituency-by-constituency estimates of what the vote share is likely to be based on their polling. There include estimates of every party’s vote share and error bars showing the high and low ends of the likely range. You might want to check that to see if your tactical vote makes sense given current polling in your constituency. That site won’t tell you how to vote, and we all know that polls (especially polls on a constituency level) can be very wrong, but it’s a useful sanity check.

Whatever your vote — whether you vote for the party you most support, vote against one you hate, lend your vote for a single election to someone who can defeat a bad local candidate, or don’t vote at all because the system is so rigged — if you make an informed choice, for good reasons, that choice is the right one, no matter what anyone else says. If you’re a Labour supporter voting Lib Dem or a Green voting Plaid, you’re still a supporter of your party, and a sensible one.

And whatever your vote, I hope it leads to a less damaged Britain than the one we would otherwise be seeing.

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A Really Odd GNU/Linux Problem

I got a “new” (second-hand) laptop (an old HP Probook) last month, and installed Debian on it, and I use it for all of my writing and much of my music-listening, but I’ve encountered a weird issue and I’m wondering if anyone has any advice on this.

If I listen to music with headphones, the centre channel cancels out. To listen to, say, the new mix of Sgt Pepper with headphones, I have to unbalance the left and right channels so they no longer go out of phase.

EXCEPT that with one pair of headphones — annoyingly a really bad set of earbuds which don’t fit my ears very well — this doesn’t happen. So it can’t be a headphone port issue. The headphones which don’t work on my laptop work fine on my portable MP3 player, so it can’t be an issue with the headphone wiring. These are all cheap earbuds without any fancy Beats-style additional software, so I can’t see what could be causing this.

My best guess, given the general flakiness of sound on GNU/Linux, is that it’s an issue with PulseAudio or ALSA somehow — but how that could only be affecting some headphones and not others, I have no idea. Anyone at all have a clue?

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One-Month Sale on my Beach Boys Books

As volume three of my Beach Boys series is *finally* coming out this month, for one month only I have reduced the price of the first two books — on the Kindle only (messing with other platforms’ price is an immense pain, and the price of the paper copies is mostly the printing costs) to $1. I’ll be making book three available for pre-order in a couple of days, and it’ll be out before the end of the month, so why not pick up volume one (Amazon US, UK) and two (Amazon US, UK) now in preparation?
(The change may take a few hours to propagate through Amazon’s systems).

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Patreon Request Post: The Lathe of Heaven

My final Patreon request post for May (I got all of them in!) is a request to write about Ursula Le Guin’s The Lathe of Heaven.

Shamefully, I’m not actually very familiar with Le Guin’s work. I read some of her stuff when I was young and devoured anything in the library with a spaceship or wizard on the cover, pretty much uncritically, but by my mid teens I’d conceived something of a prejudice against anyone I lumped in with the new wave SF writers of the late sixties and early seventies, who I saw as pretentious wankers who were ashamed of actually writing stories about things and wanted to write bad literary fiction instead. By the time I actually got over that and started thinking sensibly about science fiction books, I was more interested in reading new books rather than going back to classics, so a whole swathe of great writers like Le Guin or Samuel Delaney are less familiar to me than other, lesser, writers.

But The Lathe of Heaven is so very much my thing I’m surprised no-one had specifically recommended it to me earlier (cue twenty commenters saying “I recommended it to you in 2012 and you said you’d get right on to reading it straight away”, no doubt).

More than anything, this reminds me of Philip K. Dick. At first I thought that was just because the copy I have, a Gollancz Masterworks edition, is typeset and designed the same way as my copies of VALIS and Flow My Tears, the Policeman Said. but in fact this book shares so much with Dick — themes, obsessions, and even storytelling flaws — that had you handed it to me with the cover torn off I would have insisted it was by him.

The plot of the book, such as it is, is simple — George Orr, a placid, “normal”-seeming man, is abusing drugs to stop himself from dreaming, and is forced to see a psychiatrist, Dr Haber. Orr admits that he doesn’t want to dream, because sometimes his dreams can retcon reality — he can go to sleep, dream that someone he knows died, and wake to find they’d been dead for six weeks. Haber uses hypnosis to control Orr’s dreams, and to remake the world, but every attempt at making the world better makes it worse — overpopulation is solved because a plague decades earlier killed six billion people, humanity no longer wars against itself because they’re in the middle of an alien invasion, racism has never existed because everyone has always been a uniform grey colour, and so on.

Eventually Haber (who is portrayed as a solipsistic sociopath) gains Orr’s power himself and almost destroys the world. Orr, with the help of his lawyer/love-interest, manages to stop Haber and return the world to a state of normalcy.

The book is, frankly, not strong on character, plot, or description — there are only three characters of any note, and they might as well just be described as “pleasant protagonist”, “mad scientist”, and “the girl one” — but that’s not really the point. Le Guin’s book is an attempt to discuss ideas of the nature of reality and how our perceptions affect it, of medical and psychiatric ethics, of the nature of our responsibility to others, and indeed the concept of responsibility itself.

It’s also a story about the environment — the book is very concerned with climate change (and also, because it was written post-Population Bomb but pre-Green Revolution, with mass starvation due to overpopulation even in the West), and the repeated efforts to reshape the world having unpredictable negative consequences can be seen at least in part as a parallel to the negative consequences of technologically disrupting the environment.

In particular, Dr Haber (presumably named after Fritz Haber, the inventor of chemical warfare) epitomises everything wrong with the technolibertarian viewpoint — he has a “post-racial” view that comes out as imposing uniformity on everyone, he wants children raised on “rational” lines, he’s a eugenicist, and sees the death of six billion people as a net positive from a utilitarian standpoint — and while he pays lip service to utilitarianism and claims to act for the greater good, every change that’s made ends up also increasing his political power and wealth.

Unfortunately, Le Guin’s answer to these problems, inspired by Chinese mysticism, especially Zhuang Zhou (who among other things is famous for the parable of the butterfly which seems to have inspired this book), seems to be that the best thing to do is to accept the world passively, and try to live in harmony with it rather than change it. It’s a cop-out of an answer, and one that’s really identical to the “he meddled with things man was not meant to know” at the end of a fifties monster movie, just dressed up in Daoist clothing.

However, having an unconvincing answer to a set of questions is nowhere near as big a sin for an SF novel, in my view, as not bothering to raise them in the first place. And the questions Le Guin raises here are among the ones that interest me most deeply.

It’s a very early-70s book, and that shows in the way the story is told (lots of people infodumping at each other in dialogue) and in the very nature of the plot (the world ends up being saved by someone listening to a track from Sgt Pepper while high on dope). Its obsessions too — environmental, spiritual, social, and political — are all ones that were up-to-the-nanosecond current in 1971.

But as we’re currently in a world that seems to be performing an early-70s tribute act politically and socially, and in which the environmental crises Le Guin writes about have not yet quite happened but are clearly close, the book seems if anything far more relevant than it would ten or fifteen years ago.

This is a dark book, a paranoid book, and frankly a book I probably shouldn’t have read this week (my mental health is in a bad way, and this… this doesn’t help. It touches on sore mental spots for me). But it’s one of those very rare SF novels that really tries to do what the genre does best, and I would particularly urge anyone else who likes Philip K Dick to read this — in many ways it’s rather better at doing what Dick did than Dick was himself.

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Reader Request: Charles Dickens’ Martian Notes

This is the penultimate post in my Patreon request series for May — tomorrow will see one on Ursula Le Guin.

This is a review of a book by Simon Bucher-Jones. Simon’s a friend, we’ve written in the same book series a couple of times, and he’s commissioned me as an editor, so you may want to take that into account when reading my review. What I will say though is that I got to know Simon *because* I like his writing, and so I don’t think I’m too biased as a result.

‘You have done well stranger, and we note it. Your kindness will be stored here in our great crystal memory, and when we are ready and we leave this place. We will carry the memory of your good act to our newer world, and tell our children that as well as the slavers and the evil, good men also walked upon Mars, when the worlds were young.’

Charles Dickens’ Martian Notes is a rewrite, by Simon Bucher-Jones, of Dickens’ non-fictional American Notes. The conceit of the book is that it’s a 1913 edition, edited by Bucher-Jones’ great-grandfather Warwick, with the assistance of Sir Charles Dickens himself, who didn’t die in 1870 but had lived well into the twentieth century and had received a knighthood for his work as a spy.

In this world, America is a fictional country created by Dickens for Martin Chuzzlewit, yp satirise the author’s experiences on Mars. Mars is inhabited by several native races, but has been “dome-steaded” by humans, mostly from the Britannic Empire. A rebellion in 1775 meant that the British lost most of the planet, though the Northern region, “Kanata”, has remained under British rule.

Now in 1842 Charles Dickens lands on Mars, ostensibly to write a book about it, but really with a more important mission — one in which he is aided by a robot disguised as his wife (who is later replaced by another agent, Georgina Putnam, who sometimes imitates Dickens’ wife and at other times pretends to be a man called George). He explores a Mars which owes a little to Burroughs, a little to Wells, (and I think a little to some other pulp works I’m less familiar with) and quite a lot to nineteenth-century America.

Bucher-Jones is known among fans of his Doctor Who novels for the particularly strong quality of his technobabble, and that’s present here — “the current position of many scientists is that the Mau-Martians deliberately instigated a false-vacuum collapse (FVC) in local space which ‘toppled’ the ‘Edisonian’ or ‘High’ Mass-Boson which mediated dark-matter gravity (from the 250 – 275 GeV range ‘down’ into the ‘Low’ Mass-Boson 125 – 127 GeV range). This – in common language – ‘inverted the polarity’ of dark-matter, and destroyed the technologies of anti-gravity upon which the commerce of the worlds depended… In the event of the Grand Britannic Hadron Collider being able to create dark matter in the Upper Range upon its completion, we may be able to see again anti-gravitational travel as a possibility in the middle decades of the 20th Century”.

This kind of thing mixes freely with talk of Cavor and Tesla on equal footing, and in lesser hands it would have been all too easy for this to turn into a steampunk Pride and Prejudice and Martians. However, there are a few things that save the book from this fate.

The first is that Bucher-Jones has picked precisely the right materials to work together in his pastiche. I’ve recently been reading quite a lot of very early pulp SF, and essentially all of it is travelogue — the early adventures of John Carter or Buck Rodgers do have a certain amount of Princess-rescuing and escape from evil-doers, but the vast majority of SF, at least prior to the 1930s, is almost plotless — it’s worldbuilding, pure and simple. A traveller from Earth (usually a white man from the Northeastern United States) gets transported by some unusual means to another planet (or another time, or another plane of existence), describes what he sees there, and then comes home. The better-written of them tend to follow the patterns of Gulliver’s Travels, A Connecticut Yankee in King Arthur’s Court or The Time Machine in using their travelogues for satirical social comment, but many others were plain travelogues of imaginary worlds.

So Bucher-Jones’ book mashes together several genres, but manages to make it perfectly coherent in terms of genre and time period. Other than some satirical jabs at things like birtherism, and the use of a handful of technical terms coined after that time period (lampshaded in the footnotes), there’s nothing here that would be out of place among the likes of The Gostak and the Doshes, Off on a Comet, The Man Who Awoke, A Princess of Mars, or Armageddon 2419 AD.

(All of those, incidentally, can be found in the rather superb collection A Sense of Wonder, which I also must review when I finally get through it all — as my ebook copy runs to 10095 pages, that might be a while).

But where he really excels, and what makes this book a very special one, is his emulation of Dickens’ prose style. The book itself is almost twice as long as Dickens’ original, and it’s almost impossible (except, obviously, when the plot becomes more involved — Dickens was unlikely to write lines like “she had a spring-loaded hypodermic up her sleeve with enough mars-squid venom to knock out a man for a week”) to tell where Dickens ends and Bucher-Jones begins. I’ve tried often enough to write in other writers’ voices to know how difficult it is, and it’s doubly so when the words of the writer you’re imitating are there on the same page. Bucher-Jones pulls it off perfectly.

There is one possible major criticism, and one minor one, I can make. The minor one is just that the version of the book I have is not perfectly proof-read — there are a few minor errors of punctuation in there. However, there are not many more than one gets in even the majority of books published by the major publishers these days, and the few that there are can be explained away as archaisms by a generous reader.

A slightly more major criticism — though one I’m not entirely sure is negative — comes from the nature of the work itself. Dickens’ book, of course, deals with slavery, and in translating that book to an alien planet, Bucher-Jones has to translate slavery as well, into a system that gels with his invented Mars of multiple human and alien races. I am genuinely not sure if dealing with such a real horror as American slavery in a science-fictional setting is something that it’s justifiable to do. As far as I’m any judge, it’s done well, and I don’t think the book trivialises real suffering in an unjustifiable way, but I don’t know that I’m confident enough of my own judgment of the issue, as a white British man, to say for certain.

(Says the man who just wrote a novel where an occult conspiracy gets involved with the Nazis during World War II… but that’s probably why I’m extra sensitive to such things right now).

I want to note, though, that that probably says more about my own insecurity in my own judgment of “is this an OK thing to write about?” than in the writing itself — and I certainly think there’s more to take offence at in Dickens’ original, which for all Dickens’ very real moral outrage at slavery still manages to excuse most of the people who perpetrated that disgusting crime. (And middle-class white people making excuses for other middle-class white people’s racism even while condemning it has become… more relevant… in the year or so since this book came out). If anyone’s going to get angry at anything in the book, the words they’re likely to get angry at will be Dickens’ rather than Bucher-Jones’.

If you’re a fan of alternate history, steampunk, Dickens, or early science fiction — or of the sort of clever intertextuality one finds in the Faction Paradox novels — you should definitely read this. It’s available from Lulu in paper form, and from all the usual ebook vendors.

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